Mr. Xi Jinping abandoned ‘collective leadership’ but left the Zhejiang Group as the core

The 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China has ended with President Xi Jinping asserting power concentrated in his own hands, as observers have predicted for the past two or three years.

The process of phasing out collective leadership has actually taken place step by step during Xi’s 10 years as Party General Secretary.

Just before the end of the 20th National Congress, the South China Morning Post (November 8) quoted international and Chinese experts as saying that “weakening the collective leadership mechanism” is a trend of Xi Jinping’s era. Bin Binh.

Mr. Xi and his closest associates promoted at the 20th National Congress believe that collective leadership only leads to the weakening of the Party, corruption and corruption.

The Chinese Communist Party that he “inherited” in 2012 is a disease-ridden organization, as his speech at the 20th National Congress pointed out:

“Formality, bureaucracy, hedonism, unstoppable arrogance, privilege and terrible corruption…” are the causes of the weakening of the Communist Party and the National.

Although Mr. Xi did not specify who and when they caused such evils to happen, Communist Party newspapers said that “the Party has had to learn painful lessons from the 17th and 18th National Congresses”.

Xinhua News Agency named three “disruptive” figures believed to be involved in this period, or to emerge from it: Zhou Yongkang, Ling Jihua and Sun Zhengcai. All three have been demoted.

But if you compare it with a calendar, that is the period when Hu Jintao took power before handing it over to Mr. Xi.

That is also why comments in the region have been raised: Has Xi Jinping gradually weakened the “Tuanpai” – the leading cadre that has risen from the Communist Youth League of China, under the leadership of the Communist Youth League of China. Hu Jintao era?

Some members of the Youth Union faction are the children of their ancestors, belonging to the group of 4-5 generations of revolutionary elders. They are also known as the princelings, or ‘red nobility’.

Before the “Youth Delegation”, it was also said that the Shanghai faction, concentrated “under the leadership” of Mr. Jiang Zemin, had been weakened by the leadership of the next term.

Also known as the “Tsinghua University faction”, this group has the power to promote the Chinese economy to open up, outwardly, and follow the model of Shanghai and the coastal provinces, but is considered weak in socialist ideology and causes bad influence. income conflicts within regions.

However, looking only at the origin of the most senior figures in China, it will be difficult to assess the movement of personnel at the top of the architecture.

Because in a way, Mr. Xi Jinping himself also studied from Tsinghua University, and like the deposed and imprisoned Bo Xilai, he is also a member of the “Crown Prince Party”.

His father Xi Jinping is a revolutionary veteran, former deputy prime minister Xi Zhongxun, and Bo Xilai’s father is Bo Yibo, revolutionary hero, deputy prime minister of the State Council.

Therefore, it is necessary to look at both the ideology and the initiatives that each individual or group proposes to the Chinese Communist Party and the country.

For example, Premier Li Keqiang, who has not yet reached retirement age at the 20th National Congress, has “slided the seat” of the Politburo.

As early as 2012, Mr. Li Keqiang was said to be a member of the “Delegation”, according to outside observations

Even so, Mr. Li remained prime minister under Xi’s leadership of the Party and Central Military Commission.

The delegation has its own ideology or believes in some principles such as social justice.

Looking at the market economy with socialist orientation, they see problems such as the urban poor, workers who have lost in the reform, and propose regional balancing policies.

Xi Jinping himself applies many of these ideas, and Li Keqiang is the executor.

But so far, when the global conflict is high, especially with the United States, the Delegation is said to lack international vision because it is too focused on internal issues.

On the other hand, moves to phase out the Delegation began in the 2014-15 period, when the case of Mr. Ling Jihua “cast a shadow over the reputations of Li Keqiang, Liu Yandong, Li Yuanchao, and Li Yuanchao. and Uong Duong.

Former Secretary of Guangdong Ho Xuan Hoa was also temporarily considered “downhill” but still managed to join the Politburo, until this year he was released, although he still holds a seat in the Party Central Committee.

They had to leave, to make way for a group that the Chinese-language press in Hong Kong and overseas called the Zhejiang Group.

According to Apple Daily and BBC Chinese since 2015, figures who have served in Zhejiang at the same time as Xi Jinping as local leaders have high promotion opportunities.

They are Ha Bao Long (born in 1952), Hoang Hung Quoc (1954), Ly Cuong (1959), Hoang Kunming (1956), Tran Man Er (1960)…

It should be noted that this group does not have to be people from Zhejiang, and after the “mandarin” period there they can go to other positions. For example, Tran Man Er later became the Secretary of Guizhou, while Ha Bao Long now holds the Office in charge of Hong Kong-Macau, a top important diplomatic and security position.

Experience working with Mr. Xi in Zhejiang is sometimes more important than work experience.

For example, Mr. Chung Shaojun (born 1968), who was Xi’s personal secretary in Zhejiang, was appointed Chief of the Office of the Central Military Commission of the People’s Liberation Army, even though he had not served a single day in the army (according to the report. China Brief page).

The Secretary of Shanghai, Li Qiang, former chief of staff to Mr. Xi in Zhejiang, has the opportunity to replace Mr. Li Keqiang as the new prime minister (from the beginning of 2023), despite the terrible anti-Covid lockdown in China. Shanghai.

Beijing Party Secretary Cai Qi, who also worked in Fujian and Zhejiang, has a track record of directing the successful organization of the Beijing Winter Olympics earlier this year.

However, the question is, beyond the close relationship and working history under Xi, what mindset does the Zhejiang faction stand out for?

Wang Honing, the author of “America vs America” ​​is said to hold the idea for a self-reliant China, above all when the number one superpower, the United States, is “in decline” – the rest of the characters are not popular. level, according to external comments.

Yuri Momoi wrote on Nikkei Asia last October this year, saying that an important criterion for the Zhejiang faction and also for those who have worked in Fujian (Xi Jinping used to be a leader in Fujian), is loyalty to him. Practice. Because they are quite different in terms of regional background, education, and background, “the risk of division and infighting within the group” is also high, according to the Japanese newspaper.

The same site, in an earlier article on China’s space program, noted that Mr. Xi set criteria for using talent in any field: military, civilian, aerospace, science, etc. and fusing into a group, in order to create a technological advantage for China in international competition.

Neil Thomas, a China expert with the Eurasia Group, told AFP in October that the appointment of the top posts to the Politburo Standing Committee “is a race of loyalty to Xi Jinping”.

“Loyalty, rather than personal credibility” is the deciding factor, another expert, Yang Zhang, an associate professor at American University in Washington told AFP.

Speaking to Politico, Professor Victor Shih from the University of California, San Diego said that “this is a meritocracy, without even pretending to share power.”

Mr. Shih explained that Mr. Xi needed “absolute control for quite extreme decisions”, without worrying about internal opposition.

This will only create future problems for China, Victor Shih forecasts.

On the one hand, the new leadership is prepared to deal with the tougher international environment.

On the other hand, they must “go back to the source”, nourish their internal strength, expressed through the slogan “Four Confidences” that Mr. Xi advocates: confidence in the socialist path with Chinese characteristics, confidence in the Communist Party’s theory, self-reliance belief in the regime and confidence in Chinese culture.

This heralds a generation of leaders stuck in line, or truly talented, loyal and ambitious, only the reality of China in the coming years will be able to answer.

The top seven:

The list of Standing Committee of the Politburo announced on October 23, 2022 puts Shanghai Party Secretary Li Qiang second, after Xi Jinping.

1. Xi Jinping, born in 1953, hometown Shaanxi, General Secretary, Chairman of the Central Military Commission, President.

2. Li Qiang, born in 1959, hometown Zhejiang, Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee.

3. Zhao Leji, born in 1957, hometown Shaanxi, Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.

4. Vuong Huning, born in 1955, hometown Shandong, First Secretary of the Secretariat.

5. Ding Tiet Tuong, born in 1962, hometown Jiangsu, Chairman of the Central Party Office.

6. Thai Ky, born in 1955, native of Fujian, Secretary of the Secretariat, Secretary of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee.

7. Li Xi, born in 1956, hometown Gansu, Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, Secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee.